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Book J_ 



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incoln ii 

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A SERMON 






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Ct)e Cppteal Zmtxmn 



A SERMON 



REV. WINFIELD C. SNODGRASS, D. D. 



Preache^n the Fjrjt- Methodist Episcopal,Church 
Plainfield, N. J., February 12, 1905 



Fifty cofiti pr'v.iid for private circulation 
by Judd Stezvart 







IM EXOM*.NGR 






Abraham Lincoln — the Typical 
American 

'ftl'^^^^'^^^^?'^' "">■ Lord's Gospel bv Saint John. 

'^Ir? <}J^ t-^ cjf <fJ^'i^x:, .-, , 

i-*¥¥¥«¥*¥¥*¥*v,/t httli chapter, thirty-fifth verse, you 

i.* •<-^<t "lay read these words : "He was a 

'^ burning and a shining bglit." 

^ Henrv Ward Beecher rehites that 



//,1^^*^5^^^M5-*^^ when he visited the Alps his first 

'*!':<£. '*^ <i <S. -tJ »- 



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complete view of r^Iont Blanc was 
disappointing. He was near to the mountain, in the \'ale of 
Chamounix, and there were no other heights with ^vbich he 
could compare tlie giant. But afterward, from a distance, he 
saw the "Monarch of Mountains" towering in solitary grand- 
eur above all surrounding peaks. Only distance could re\eal 
the true perspective and relative size of the greatest mountain 
in Europe. 

Great men. like great mountains, need distance to be seen 
and judged truly. Not until judgment has dethroned passion, 
and reason has disarmed prejudice, are men in a frame of mind 
to deal justly with the leaders of any age. From the summit 
of distant \ears. some men who have loomed large in their dav 



are seen to be mere foot-hills, while far above them, an un- 
rivaled mountain peak, stands the one man of that age whose 
name is the chief way-mark of history. 

He who was born in a humble Kentuck\' neighborhood 
ninety-six years ago to-day, and who had growing power 
among the men about him until, in 1865, he died, lamented of 
the world, needed distance for a proper view. In the near 
vision many criticised him, not a few despised him, but after 
forty years, he shoulders his way into the sky like a great 
mountain range, and we cannot look backward over the hori- 
zon of our country's history without seeing his stupendous 
form. 

Nearly two thousand books and pamphlets have been 
published in regard to him, and lest someone may think he is 
being forgotten, it is w'ell to bear in mind that since tlie begin- 
ning of this twentieth century a hundred new ones have been 
added to the number. Every month two such, on an average, 
are dropping from the press ; and who shall say that the sub- 
ject is exhausted or grown stale! 

I have chosen this morning to speak of Abraham Lincoln 
as the t_\pical American. The word "type" is sometimes used 
to indicate a representative of a class, a common average of 
the great number to which that unit belongs. Sometimes it is 
employed to signify a model, after which the others may well 
pattern themselves and toward which they should aspire. It is 
in the latter sense that Abraham Lincoln was a t\pical Ameri- 
can, — nay, I he t_\pical American. 

Looking backward over the history of our country, there 
is but one name that can challenge this place with his, and that 
is the justly honored name of the "Father of his Country." I 



have no words of disparagement for him. It were probably 
an unwise and thankless task to attempt to divide honors be- 
tween these two men when the laurels of the world gather 
about their brows as about the brows of no other men in 
American history. But Washington was a representative of 
the aristocratic class ; he enjoyed privileges from the first ; for 
his time and for this country, he was fairly well educated : he 
was socially trained in the best school of Virginia aristocracy ; 
he appeared at his best in society ; he was rich,— he died the 
richest man in America. Abraham Lincoln was born poor antl 
humble: he found it necessary to struggle, and whatever he 
achieved he achieved as the result of that sterling energy 
which is the especial characteristic of deserving American 
youth. Washington is not to be given an inferior place, but 
Lincoln, to the average boy in this land, is the typical Ameri- 
can. 

He was a man of prodigious industry. Education and 
self-support with him went together. There was nobody to 
meet his expenses and to provide him with even the plainest 
living while he mastered the rudiments of an education. He 
must needs toil, and at the same time, study. He read law 
while he was serving in the Legislature of Illinois : he studied 
mathematics and Latin while he was practicing law : lie em- 
ployed the spare moments of time in enriching his mind by 
reading a few of the world's best books ; and the result of it 
was that he was reall)- an educated man. Easy in society he 
never was. Acciuainted with all the canons of literary criti- 
cism he certainly was not. Familiar with all the literature of 
the past, nobody could sa\- that he was. But he was a man 
whose mind was trained to vigorous, accurate, and successful 



tliinkiiig ; one wliose iiieniory was stored with an amazing ar- 
ray of essential facts ; one of the most industrious and re- 
sourceful men that our country has ever produced. 

After he had delivered his celebrated Cooper Institute 
speech in New York, in February, i860, — a speech that was 
listened to by the most eminent men of the city, William CuUen 
l'r}'ant presiding, — the Executive Committee of the party to 
which he belonged desired to make that speech a campaign 
document ; but it so abounded with historical and political eru- 
dition that they were afraid to give it to the public and base the 
opening camj^aign upon it until they had placed it in the hands 
of one of the most critical experts of the city, so that he might 
verify all the historical allusions and quotations which Mr. 
Lincoln had made. The result was that not a single inaccu- 
racy was reported, and the critic found it necessary to spend 
three long weeks of most diligent investigation in the libraries 
of the Metropolis that he might see whether or not the stranger 
froiu Illinois had told the truth in regard to the earlier histor}- 
of the struggle for liberty on the part of the men who were de- 
termined that our country should not be shackled with a gov- 
ernment that must inevitably result in trouble. 

?vlr. Lincoln did much of his own writing when he was 
President of the United States. He had a private secretar) , 
of course, and he had a stenographer, though stenography was 
then in its infancy : but there was much that he would not 
trust to an\- other person, and no other President in the history 
of the country ever did so much with his own right hand. 
Much of that which was especially confidential he would not 
allow to he copied by anyone else, but he made a copy himseli 
by manual process ; and in this way, twice over, he wrote the 



more important ilociiments which bore his signature. lie \va> 
most untiring in his devotion to all the machinery of the gov- 
ernment. Xo more industrious man ever sat in the presi- 
dential chair. 

Une with a mind undisciplined by superior industry could 
not have made such profound and lucid speeches as did he. 
Take for illustration the first few sentences of the speech which 
he delivered at Springfield, Illinois, on the 17th of June, 1858. 
on the occasion of his nomination for the United States Senate, 
when he said: 

■■If we could know where we are and whither we are tending, we 
could better jndge what to do and how to do it. We are now far 
I advanced into the fifth year .^^ince a policy was initiated with the 

^ avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery 

agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not 
not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not 
cease until a crisis shall have been reached and pas,sed. W house di- 
vided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot 
endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do not e.xpect the 
Union to be dissolved,— I do not e.xpect the house to fall; but I do 
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or 
all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further 
spread of it. and place it where the public mind sliall rest in the belief 
that it is ni the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will 
push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old 
3S well as new. North as well as South." 

No mind that is not trained and diligent could thus speak. 
The finish of infinite industry is seen in his two inaugural ad- 
dres.ses. Power and tenderness are fitlv phrased. Listen to 
the concluding part of his first appeal to the nation : 
I ■■! am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We nnist 

not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break 
our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching 
from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and 

7 



hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the 
Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels 
of our nature." 

This man was not only industrious, but unique — as much 
so in mind as in body, and you all know that there, did not seem 
ever to have been another man like him in physical appear- 
ance. He never imitated the processes or achievements uf 
other men. He was content to carve out his own way. 

His humor was unique. During his first term in Congress 
lie sat silent in his place almost all the time : but he was not 
silent in the cloak room, in the committee room, or in the cor- 
ridors where members gathered for pleasant chat, and soon he 
came to be known as the greatest story teller in all the Con- 
gress of the day ; and, it is declared, that never once did he re- 
peat himself. Yet he was not a mere story teller. The person 
who supposes him to have been a light, frivolous character be- 
cause he often told humorous incidents and knew how to tell 
them well, greatly misunderstands him : neither does he under- 
stand the psychology of humor. The most humorous men of 
the world have often been serious men. sad men, and always 
unique men. The sober seriousness of their lives has found 
necessary relief and expression in the humor which has some- 
times characterized them. Mr. Lincoln at one time made some 
jest or told some humorous story when news had just been re- 
ceived of a reverse in the field, and a prominent Senator who 
was with him proceeded to reprove him for so doing, where- 
upon he replied : "Were it not for this occasional vent, I 
should die." It was merely a recreation that was necessars- 
on the part of a mind that was so sober and so sorely pressed. 

He was unique in his seriousness as well as in his humor. 



Tliose wlio knew hiin thoroughly declared him the most ser- 
ious man they ever saw. There was something not only pro- 
phetic but unusual in that inexpressible solemnity with which 
he went to the bottom of things and grappled with the great 
problems which he met. 

He was a man also of great courage. Like Logan, the 
chief of the Mingoes, he "never felt fear." The young men 
w^ho grew up about him soon learned this, and then he became 
their idol. They who especially worshipped strength and 
courage were his most willing servitors and friends. But it 
w-as not merely as a youth and in his display of physical 
courage that he gave every man to know he was not afraid. 
When he was a man. when he was President, the same was 
true. He ahva\s disliked a guard. Man_\- times he risked his 
life, to the alarm of those who knew him. Secretary Stanton 
used to insist on sending a military guard with him, when in 
the summer time he had a cottage just in the suburbs of Wash- 
ington, but he would frequently, by going earlier, evade the 
guard, and in this way have the quiet which he sought. The 
wonder is that he did not suiYer harm, but he himself was 
without fear. He had also a moral courage that never failed 
for a single moment. Xo matter whose courage wavered, Mr. 
Lincoln's never did. 

He, like most brave men, was tender, for Bayard Taylor 

wrote truly when he said ; 

"The bravest are the tenderest ; 
The loving are the daring." 

When desertions were frequent in the army, on account 
of the generous bounties which were given, and a man would 
sometimes desert and go into another part of the counlr\- and 



re-enlist, each time getting the large bounty, Mr. Lincoln 
interrogated General Butler as to how it was to be prevented, 
and he replied: "By vigorously shooting every man who is 
caught as a deserter until it is found to be a dangerous busi- 
ness." General Butler declares that a saddened, weary look 
came into the face of the President, the like of which he had 
never seen, as he replied slowly : "You may be right — prob- 
ably are so, but God help me, how can I have a butcher's day 
every Friday in the Army of the Potomac?" 

His standing order was to admit to his presence anyone 
who came to see him in regard to a case involving the death 
penalty, no matter what Senator or great men were turned 
away from that particular audience. To Mr. Colfax he said 
one day : "It makes me rested after a day's hard work if I 
can find some good excuse for saving a man's life, and I go 
to bed happy as I think how joyous the signing of my name 
will make him and his family and his friends." 

He was a man of profound convictions. Life to him 
abounded in obligations. Everything was touched by a moral 
principle. Concluding his speech at Independence Hall, on 
his way to the inauguration, he said : "I have said nothing but 
what I am willing to live by, and in the pleasure of Almighty 
God. die by." 

Speaking once of an eminent statesman, he said : "When 
a question confronts him, he always and naturally argues it 
from the standpoint of what is the better policy, although with 
me my only desire is to know what is right." Tliat was the 
spirit of President Lincoln. 

He was magnanimous. He once declared he would will- 
ingly have relieved McClellan's embarrassment and given him 
10 



another command if he could have done so with safety to the 
country. When he appointed Hooker to tlie command of the 
Army of the Potomac, he wrote him privately : 

"You are ambitious, wliich, within reasonable bounds, does good 
rather than harm ; but I tliink that during General Burnside's com- 
mand of the army you have taken counsel of your ambition, and 
thwarted him as much as you could, in which you did a great wrong 
to the country and to a meritorious and honorable brother officer. I 
.have heard, in «ucli a way as to believe it, of your recently saying that 
both the army and the Government needed a dictator. Of course, 
il was not for this,_ but in spite of it, that I have given you the com- 
mand. Only those Generals who gain successes can set up dictators. 
What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dic- 
tatorship."' 

Thus over and over, in instances that mijjht he numbered 
by the hundreds and thousands, he manifested a ma.onanimity 
that was ready at all times to place the country first and to put 
himself and his own preferences and feelings last. 

Air. Lincoln had the prophet's ability to read the signs of 
the times. Xo other President ever had half so much advice. 
It embraced all subjects of public interest, but was mostly cen- 
tered on the subject of slavery. He hated slavery, but he had 
sworn to obey the law of the land and he even executed the 
Fugitive Slave Law, to the infinite displeasure of doctrinaires, 
w'lio supposed that because he was opposed to slavery he must 
violate his oath and disregard the law which commanded that 
the fugitive slave must be returned to his master. In reply to 
a letter urging him to emancipate the slaves as a war measure, 
he wrote : 

"My paramount object is to save the Union, and I would save it 
in the shortest way. If I could save the Union witliout freeing any 
slaves, I would do it; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I 
would do it ; and if I could do it by freeing some and letting others 

11 



alone, I would also do that. But I intend no modification of my oft- 
expressed wish that all men everywhere could be free." 

Between tliose who opposed emancipation and those who 
favored any means to hasten it he had a hard time. A Quak- 
eress came to him one day. and with an ominous shake of the 
head and tremor of the voice, declared that she was sent by 
God to tell him he was raised up for the instant freeing of the 
slaves, and cited his utterances on the subject of slavery in the 
years before. Mr. Lincoln told her he had an opinion that if 
God had put him in the Presidential chair for the purpose of 
instantly freeing the slaves by executive order. He would 
have communicated that fact to him and not to her. 

He was great among great men. No President ever had 
a greater cabinet, chosen in large measure from among the 
strong men of his party who had been rivals for the nomina- 
tion ; but he was the master spirit of the administration. It is 
true that he allowed much freedom in details to Mr. Stanton, 
who often took great liberties with him ; but there were times 
when the iron will of the Secretary of War came into conflict 
with the President's will of steel, and in every question of 
principle the President won. When Mr. Lincoln had been in 
office not quite a month. Mr. Seward proceeded to tell him 
that the administration had no domestic or foreign policy, and 
that it was time a domestic and foreign policy was announced. 
He even outlined a plan by which the President should farm 
out the management of the government, and become a sort of 
executive clerk and figurehead. But quickly the President 
gave him to understand that he, Abraham Lincoln, was the 
head of that administration, and that he was the man in whose 
hands domestic and foreign policies would rest. 



In 1861. General Fremont, who had been the candiilate for 
President of the same party as Mr. Lincuhi in 1856, as Com- 
manding General in Missouri, issued a proclamation freeing- 
the slaves in that State. Mr. Lincoln promptly informed him 
that he had no authority to do so. and that until the President 
issued the order, no general in the field could give liberty to 
a slave. 

In the spring of 1862. General Hunter, in command of 
the Department of the South, issued a proclamation freeing 
the slaves under certain conditioiis, and the President found it 
necessarv immediately to nullify that proclamation, and to 
give notice to the generals of the army that they were there for 
militarx' purposes, and not to assume the functions of the 
President of the United States and of the various departments 
of the administration at Washington. He had all the time 
sympathized with the slaves, but with the vision of a prophet 
he could see that the time for their freedom was not yet. In 
the summer of 1862 the mind of the countr} had so changed 
that men who at lirst would have turned against the Govern- 
ment, if Mr. Lincoln had declared that he would free the 
slaves by executive order, began to clamor for their emancipa- 
tion, that the enem\- might be weakened, and that tardy justice 
might be done to the enslaved millions. So. at last. Mr. Lin- 
coln declared he promised God on his knees that if He would 
give victory to the armies that were confronting the foe which 
had invaded Maryland and threatened Pennsylvania, he would 
issue the preliminary proclamation of emancipation. He held, 
and rightly, that to issue such a proclamation at a time when 
one ilefeat had followed another. wouUl be a mere fulmination 
of words, I'.itt to issue the proclamation when victors' had 



come would be to follow the retreating enemy witli an effec- 
tive threat of what was going to be the result if he did not lay 
dow-n his arms. Thus it came to pass that at a time which the 
historians declare was the earliest possible moment at which 
Air. Lincoln could have safely issued the Emancipation Pro- 
clamation, and at a time when it is also declared by critical 
students of history that it was imperatively necessary, Mr. Lin- 
coln did issue that proclamation, with the result that the Fed- 
eral arms were immensely strengthened, and the Confederate 
correspondingly weakened, 

Mr. Lincoln was a man of faith. He had faith in men — 
in individual men, for every man must have faith in individual 
men if he has faith in the mass of men. He especially had 
faith in the people as a body. He believed in the plain people. 
No other man has given so good a definition of the essential 
idea of republican institutions as "government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people." That was what he believed 
to be the ideal government. He knew the many might be tem- 
porarily misled, that they might be misinformed, that some of 
them might be misinformed and misled always ; but he knew 
also that the great mass of the people would sooner or later see 
the deception and come to the truth. Just before his inau- 
guration he said : "The people, when they rise in behalf of 
the Union and the liberties of their country, truly it may be 
said the gates of hell cannot prevail against them." 

He had faith also in the Republic ; he believed in this gov- 
ernment : he did not think it was temporary ; he had an idea 
that in some way or other it would overcome its difficulties ; 
that all the separations between brethren should by and by be 
reconciled : that the rupture between the states was only ap- 



parent ; that no state had really gone out of the Union ; that the 
time would come when all the states that sought to go out 
would resume their place : and that in the coming years the 
Union would be more firm and complete than it had ever been. 
If he had lived to see the days that you and I have seen in the 
last decade, he would liave rejoiced in the realization of his 
faith and prophecies. The first soldier to fall in the Spanish- 
American war was from one of the Southern States, and 
among the most brilliant and successful generals of that con- 
flict were men who had worn the gray in the great struggle be- 
tween the North ami South. 

He believed in the ultimate triumph of right. In his 
Cooper Institute speech in i860 he said: "Let us have faith 
that right makes might." Some people say that might makes 
right, but Abraham Lincoln said: "Let us believe that right 
makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our 
duty as we understand it." He said at another time: "The 
result is not doubtful. We shall not fail. If we stand firm, 
we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes 
delay it, but sooner or later the victory is sure to come." 

He had faith in God ! When our own Bishop Simpson 
visited Washington, he always, if he had time, went to call 
upon the President. The head of the nation was never too 
busy to see him, and usually said to him before he left: 
"Bishop, you must pray with me." Cabinet ^linisters and 
Senators, and Ambassadors with important business, waited 
outside the door while the great President and the great 
Bishop wrestled with God for his blessings upon the arms and 
the officers of the United States ! 

(_)n the 14th of May, 1864, in reply to a deputation with 

15 



resolutions of s_\nipathy and support from our General Con- 
ference, he wrote: 

"Nobly sustained as the Government has been by all the churches, 
I would utter nothing which might in the least appear invidious 
against any. Yet without this it may be fairly said that the Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, not less devoted than the best, is, by its great- 
er numbers, the most important of all. It is no fault in others that 
the Methodist Church sends more soldiers to the field, more nurses 
to the hospital, and more prayers to heaven than any. God bless the 
Methodist Church — bless all the churches — and blessed be God, who, 
in our great trial, giveth us the churches." 

I have seen the original, and you may read the letter here 
in fac-simile on this platform this morning. 

In a letter to Mrs. Eliza B. Gurney on the 4t]i of Septem- 
ber, 1864, he said: 

"The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail. 
* * * * We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long 
before this, but God knew best, and has ruled otherwise. * * * * 
Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, 
which no mortal could make and no mortal could stay." 

And yet, some little men write that President Lincoln was 
an infidel ! 

Someone told him of a widow who had lost five sons in 
the army, and on the 21st of November, 1864, he wrote to her: 
"I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your 
bereavement, and leave you the cherished memory of the loved and 
lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a 
sacrifice on the altar of freedom." 

On the morning of July 4th, 1863, after announcing the 
success of the Federal arms at Gettysburg the day before, he 
said: "For this, he (the President) especially desires that on 
this day He whose will, not ours, should ever be done, be 
everywhere remembered and reverenced with profound grati- 
tude." 

16 



Ts it strange that as we now search the records of the <le- 
partnieiits at \\''ashington. we finil that witli the exception of 
Mclvinley, no other President in his correspondence and slate 
papers, so frequently invoked the Divine l;)lessing and recog-- 
nized God's benevolence. 

Mr. Arnold, one of }ilr. Lincoln's biographers, thus sum- 
marized the great President's religious views : "Belief in the 
existence of God, in the immortality of the soul, in the Bible 
as the revelation of God to man, in the eflkacy and duty of 
prayer, in reverence toward the Almightw and in love aufl 
charity to man, was the basis of his religion." 

The Honoral>le .Schuyler Colfax, who knew Air. Lincoln 
as few men did. said in a widely published address : 

"To a clergyman who aifked him if lie loved his Saviour, he re- 
plied, and he was too truthf\d for us to douht the declaration: 'When 
I was first inaugurated, I did not love Him; when God took my son. 
I was greatly impressed, hut still I did not love Him; but when I 
stood upon the battlefield of Gettysburg. I t^ave my heart to Chri'^t. and 
I can now say I do love the Saviour.' " 

Saint Paul could not speak any more clearly or emphatic- 
all}- of his experience. 

Such was r\Ir. Lincoln in his life, and when lie fell, the 
human race clothed itself in sackcloth and sat in ashes. More 
than forty nations sent us messages of sympathy. Their 
words, collected into a book, make a volume almost as large 
as this Moly Bible. 

Eminent judges before whom he practiced declared him 
to have been a lawyer of exceptional ability. Flis speeches are 
among the classics of our English tongue, and take their j^lace 
beside those of Everett and Webster, Burke and Chatham. 

Montalembert, the celebrated French Academician, com- 



mended his style as a model for the nnitation of princes. The 
greatest speech of Edward Everett, the acknowledged primate 
of American rhetoricians in his day, was his oration at the 
dedication of the Gettysburg National cemetery ; but at the 
close of Mr. Lincoln's brief address he declared he would will- 
ingly exchange his hundred pages for the President's twenty 
lines. 

One of the best military authorities of the time described 
him as "the ablest strategist of the war." General Longstreet, 
eminent among Confederate commanders, calls him "the one 
matchless among forty millions for the peculiar difficulties of 
tlie period." General Sherman said: "Of all the men I ever 
met. he seemed to possess more of the elements of greatness, 
coml)ined with goodness, than any other." General Grant, 
after having met nearly all the great rulers of the world, de- 
clared him the greatest intellectual force with which he had 
ever come in contact. Lowell calls him "the first American." 
Emerson said : "He is the true history of the American peo- 
ple in his time." Emilio Castellar, the eminent Spanish states- 
man, in an oration before the Cortes, estimated him as "hum- 
blest of the humble before his conscience, greatest of the great 
before history." 

The superficial scribblers, who, imable to see greatness in 
granite, have disparaged his intellect and character, will soon 
be forgotten, — many of them are forgotten now, — but a re- 
united country and a federated humanity will never, in all 
their forward marches, get out of sight of his towering pres- 
ence. Yet his sublimity was so simple that two words sum up 
his character. — "great," and "good." 



"To such a name, for ages long, 

To such a name. 
Preserve a broad approacli of fame. 

And ever-ringing avenues of song.'' 

W'lierever his story is told his name shall be a talisman of 
the strnggling" yontli 

"VVlio breaks his birth's insidious bar.'' 

In that great forum in which "the parliament of men" 
shall linally cement "the federation of the world" no statue 
shall be carved larger or placed higher than that of the poor 
boy of Kentucky, the struggling youth of Indiana, the honest 
lawyer of Illinois, the illustrious President, wdiose martyrdom 
made mourners throughout the world. 

He is not dead. "His body is buried in peace, but his 
name liveth forevermore." His influence shall go marching 
down the centuries with collossal stride, for 

■■-■Mike are life and death. 

When life in death survives, 
-\nd the uninterrupted breatli 

Inspires a thousand lives. 

Were a star quenched on high. 

For ages would its light. 
Still traveling downward from the sky. 

Shine on our mortal sight. 

So, when a great man dies. 

For years beyond our ken, 
The light he leaves behind him lies 

Upon the paths of men." 



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